Javier Milei

the Executioner of Latino-American Socialism

On the left, "Javier Milei, il boia del socialismo Latino Americano". On the right, photography by "Unknown" - 2016.

Crazy hair of uncertain origin, ridiculously oversized sideburns, born in 1970. Thin lips, sharp, pale skin—almost vampiric—and an all-black wardrobe: Javier, the president with wild, frenzied eyes, where the shining blue seems tainted by white specks, shards of agitation—suspicious glints of cocaine.

I don't intend to proclaim scandalous truths—such a claim would be vain, a pointless game. Instead, with a touch of healthy idiocy, I simply refuse to deny their possibility. I leave space for that flickering doubt, the one that opens up in the face of the president's manic gaze—or perhaps, more plainly, I indulge in the bold and vigorous thrill of defamation: the fuel and elixir of every idiot writer like me.

Now that we've put the superfluous behind us let's focus on the essentials. The president's real drug lies elsewhere: the relentless fight against the ruling class, inflation, public spending, and Socialism. An addiction that consumes him and defines him all at once. A fixation that should push me to write about policies, forecasts, and macro- and microeconomic scenarios. But, as often happens, the essential is boring, while the banal—or rather, the banal personal details—ignites a fire in our miserable hearts!

Milei doesn't sleep, or he sleeps very little. But you already know this. He spends nights clutching Hayek, studying Kabbalah, and seeking connections between numbers and destiny. Some say he practices mysterious rituals to speak with his dead dogs like they're oracles. He brags about mastering tantric sex and once wore the jersey of Chacarita Juniors, earning the nickname he still carries today: El Loco.

The Madman.

Every morning—but, again, you already know this—he gets up armed with charisma, a chainsaw, and slogans he screams at the top of his lungs. He dominates the scene in the square, on talk shows, and on social media. He's the savior shaking a weary country, the miracle worker promising to heal an Argentina long wounded. And they believe him, they follow him, they praise him. Why not? He's Milei, El Loco. Who else could do it?

And then? What else can I tell you? Ah, right, there's football. But no, I've already mentioned that. His policies? His economic measures? But who cares about those empty speeches anymore? No, that's not where the story lies. Better this way: better to give you the details that matter, the ones we keep repeating until they feel true. Milei, you already know this, was involved with a woman. Her name is Amalia Yuyiyo Gonzales, and she's nearly seventy. With her, they say, he practiced tantric sex—a very personal hobby of the president. Yes, tantric sex. He practices it. And, of course, you already know that. In 2022, he declared that the Pope was a moron. He even called him 'the representative of the Devil on Earth.' Yes, the Devil. Why? Because the Pope, Milei claimed, supports taxes. He aligns himself with murderous communists. He doesn't respect the Ten Commandments. And Milei? Milei is religious. Religious, yes. But the social justice the Pope defends? That, no, that he cannot tolerate. It's poison. Social justice, poison. It's all perfectly clear.

Then there's the Spanish Prime Minister. Actually, not him—his wife. Milei called her a thief—a ladrona. A thief! His words—Milei's words—sparked a diplomatic crisis. An inevitable crisis, as always. But Milei? He just keeps going. Always forward. He doesn't stop. Because he's Milei. Milei, you get it. But of course, you already knew that. The sun rises over Argentine homes.

On the left, "Buenos Aires Street Photography" by Paulius Musteikis On the right, "Miley traidor" - MICROCENTRO, Ciudad Autonoma de Buenos Aires (2023) by "L'Idiot"

Today, Javier has a new idea: playing with finance with the trust of those who follow him. The president launched a cryptocurrency called $LIBRA and sold it as Argentina’s salvation. So buy! Buy, Argentines, buy! He says so, he says it on X, and whoever doesn’t believe him is a traitor to the nation, an enemy of freedom. And so, within hours, the currency explodes. It soars, climbs, and reaches the sky. But then—then it collapses. It melts like wax in the sun. Down, down, down. A free fall. And while the unknown players walk away with full pockets, many investors are left in their underwear. Devastated. Deceived. Screwed. Rumors about fraud are spreading, raising concerns about conflicts of interest and potential lawsuits. Milei was indicted in a possible criminal trial in the U.S. Possible impeachment. Cries of betrayal fill the air. Justice is demanded. Meanwhile, he smiles and enjoys the show. Why wouldn’t he?

What else, what else! I can already feel time slipping through my fingers, attention fading. Quick, quick, my friends! Quickly, dear friends! I need a scoop, my friends; ah, of course, Milei. Milei, head of the Libertad Avanza party. A year ago, he won the elections in a landslide. A well-known fact, one that made headlines around the world. He won, yes. He crushed it. He promised to dynamite the Central Bank—we know, we know—crush inflation, clean up the state accounts, and bring Argentina back to the economic glory of the 1920s. Corruption: abolished. The Central Bank: dynamited. Macroeconomics: stable. Everything: resolved. Milei wants to solve everything. But it's public knowledge. Common knowledge.

But there's something you might not know. It's not time to tell you that millions of people—poor souls—are starving. I'm not that pedantic. Just a bit repetitive, obsessive, and banal. The way this society wants me to be.

As I was saying, there's something you might not know, something incredible, something fantastic. Javier, with an economic gamble, could, in the coming months, kill Socialism once and for all.

"WHAT! HOW?"

—the shock spreads. Through the halls, the cafés, the belligerent hearts of the world. Javier is ready to sweep away any doubts about capitalism. He's betting it all on the Austrian school—like a wild horse blindly charging forward. Drawing from the economic writings of Menger, von Wieser, von Mises, and the rest of that gang, he's aiming to drown Kirchnerist Socialism once and for all.

A year after Milei's victory, from the Casa Rosada to the endless Patagonian plains, and through the Hollywood-esque figure of the president, a scenario is taking shape—often grim, yet fascinating for anyone intrigued by the non-science of economics. An ideological battle that transforms Argentina into the world's largest laboratory of political economy, raising profound questions and opening new debates. The largest experiment of the past 50 years, a laboratory that, beneath the slogans and waving flags, exposes the psychological forces shaping our societies. But for now, let's take it slow.

What is Kirchnerism? Who are the Kirchnerists? A movement, a name that keeps changing but always stays the same. Frente Renovador, Unión por la Patria, Partido Justicialista, Frente para la Victoria. Each new label promises a rebirth, a semblance of novelty. They call themselves progressives but bear little resemblance to your typical European center-left. They're something different, something more intricate. They've fought countless battles and worn myriad masks. For better or worse, Kirchnerism has never been simple. Any analysis of Argentina must start from this premise.

First, and most notably unlike European leftists, the Ks—yes, that's what they go by—oppose some fundamental free market principles, favoring centralized control over large parts of the economy. Among their measures are price caps on essential goods, most of the time disastrous; nationalization of strategic sectors like oil and pensions; massive social programs, where hefty, often welfare-like subsidies are traded for political votes; protectionist tariffs that limit trade in the name of a national industry that never truly came to be—Apple, Amazon, and many multinationals never set foot in Argentina—as a failed attempt to break free from the 'educated' economies of the West. Too often, these efforts paved the way for new ( or old)  masters: oligarchic cartels of local businesses that exploit regulation to consolidate their dominance, with prices too high for the nation.

Then there's their strategic and instrumental use of unions, celebrated as tools of class struggle and social justice. With over 3,000 unions, Argentina's labor movement is the largest and most influential in Latin America, wielding extraordinary power to mobilize the streets and influence social dynamics. These unions often serve as tools for political co-optation and the construction of consensus. Unsurprisingly, a 2018 survey by Taquion and Trespuntozero revealed that unions are seen as the most corrupt institution in Argentina's democracy.

In short, while Kirchnerism can't be strictly defined as socialist, its roots align with many of that ideology's core principles. Yet, as often happens in systems like this, Argentina has developed a reality that goes beyond any ideological framework: endemic corruption.

On the left, photography by "Unknown" - 2023 On the right, "Javier Milei, il boia del socialismo Latino Americano".

 A state that claims to defend the weak but preys ruthlessly on everyone, especially those it promised to protect.You could say many things about Milei, but none are more revealing than recognizing that the Kirchner family—first Néstor, then Cristina, who ruled for over 20 years—represents the thesis to Milei's perfect antithesis. They are the necessary counterpoint, the light that shapes the shadow. In any context, the relationship between the parties reveals more than any words spoken by the protagonists. This isn't about determining whether the Ks are truly socialist or guilty of all they've been accused of. Instead, it's about recognizing how Milei has crafted his captivating narrative from this foundation. Of course, convictions for fraudulent administration repeated corruption scandals, and even accusations—never proven—of Cristina's involvement in the murder of a prosecutor have done little to help the Kirchnerist cause. It's a story we've heard before: the outsider employing populist rhetoric, the new against the old. The fatigue that consumes you, the human psyche's reaction to the immense sea of crap that engulfs it, hoping for everything to just explode. Here, however, the clash feels absolute: collective freedom versus individual freedom, anti-US populism versus American populism, capitalists versus anti-capitalists, progressives versus conservatives. An ideological duel that leaves no middle ground, unfolding in February 2025, with enormous stakes: the nation's economic recovery.

Milei Wins and Stays True. He inherits a country on the edge of collapse: 40% of the population is below the poverty line, and over 9% is in extreme poverty. Fueled by welfare policies, inflation peaked at 14% monthly in 2023. The currency is in free fall. A system teetering on collapse.

On the left, in July 2023, one dollar is worth 1,500 pesos. The currency is in free fall. ; Photography by L'Idiot On the right, Milei (2023)

The new president largely delivers on his promises of austerity, liberalization, and the chainsaw. He kisses up to the International Monetary Fund—a relationship Argentina has historically viewed as toxic—winks at rating agencies and shakes hands with right-wing leaders worldwide—straight out of the ultraliberal economic playbook. By October 2024, annual inflation, which had soared to 292% in April 2023, stabilized at just over 30%, with monthly inflation falling to 2.7%. Markets breathed again, businesses stirred, and the peso recovered some stability against the dollar. But it's not just numbers—perceptions change. Uncertainty retreats from Argentine homes.How? Nothing revolutionary here. Standard academic practice: a massive reduction in monetary expansion.

Public spending cuts: A dramatic revision of state expenditures slashes costs by 28% in the first 11 months of 2024, surpassing even the IMF's expectations of an 18% cut. The chainsaw has its day:

• Public investment bears the brunt, accounting for 24% of total savings.

• Pensions, another 22%, deliver a decisive blow to welfare.

• Social assistance, subsidies, and public salaries, nearly 40% combined, are cut to the bare minimum to avoid sparking mass revolts.

The devastation doesn't stop there. Nine ministries, including Environment, Education, and Culture—three pillars of the future—are downgraded to secretariats. Public sector layoffs cut operational expenses by 22%, and the tax authority is abolished, replaced by a leaner, cheaper, market-friendly agency.

Freedom takes the lead as liberalization becomes the backbone of the government's economic agenda: price controls on goods and services—gone. Caps on rents, fuel, medicine, and health insurance—eliminated. Laws ensuring the availability of essential goods—repealed. Rules favoring local businesses in public contracts and supermarkets—abolished. New tax incentives target investments over $200 million in 'strategic' sectors. Labor contracts become more flexible, with reduced severance costs.

But at what cost? Real GDP contracted by 3.5% in 2024, as Milei himself had predicted. Unemployment rose from 5.5% in 2023 to 7.6% by the second quarter of 2025. Yet, these figures pale in comparison to the real issue. In the first half of 2024, poverty surged by 11 percentage points, reaching 52.9%—the highest level in two decades. Extreme poverty climbed to 18.1%, marking a 6.2-point increase from the previous semester. But this isn't the number that screams the loudest. Inequality in a country already fractured by deep divisions hit unprecedented levels. The Gini index—a measure of income inequality—rose by 3 points in the first quarter of 2024, underscoring the deepening social divide. Economic stability—the dream Argentines have pursued for decades—comes at an unbearable price. But Javier warned us. He said it. We all knew. 

Let's repeat it, in case you missed it: 18%. 18%. 18%. 18%. Over 7 million people are in extreme poverty. And more than 20 million are simply poor. This lies at the heart of Argentina's tragedy. This is the price. Milei dreams of setting the stage to attract investments capable of transforming the nation, breaking the chain that has held Argentina captive to its past. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) predicts 3.6% growth in 2025.Meanwhile, while awaiting official data, Argentina's Torcuato di Tella University estimates that poverty for the July-December 2024 semester has fallen to 36.8%. Data to be confirmed, of course. But these numbers carry the fate of a nation. Everything comes down to this: the survival of Kirchnerist' socialism' or the triumph of anarcho-capitalism. Will Milei truly earn the title of Latin America's socialist executioner? As always, time will have the final word.

But who cares? We'd rather obsess over his absurd sideburns. It amuses us, it thrills us, and Milei knows it all too well. He revels in it. And in the meantime, he keeps accelerating. This is what defines him: Milei, grotesque and unsettling, embodies the very essence of infinite acceleration. The perfect mimicry of financial capitalism—a system that knows no pauses, no voids. Only speed, profit, and surpassing limits. Bodies are obstacles; reflection is simply a waste of money. Forward is the only direction. Every economic measure is outdone by an even more extreme one; every provocation leads to an even bigger scoop. Milei isn't a president; he's an algorithm filling the void we refuse to confront.  Today, he insults the Colombian Prime Minister; tomorrow, he dresses up as a superhero to present his agenda. Meanwhile, he unveils a tax reform: reducing the number of taxes from 167 to fewer than 20, with the ambitious goal of cutting 90% of national taxes by 2025. A tax system that's simple, light, free—and devastating.And then? He moves on to the next mission, the next acceleration. Milton Friedman argued that it takes six months of continuous shocks to reform a country economically. For Javier, six, twelve, or even a hundred months would never be enough. He doesn't intend to stop; he can't afford to.

Milei runs, and as he moves, he paralyzes and consumes us: he becomes what we need. El Loco embodies the ultimate consumerist fetish, delivering a communicative miracle unlike anything seen before: flipping a bizarre paradigm where he, a supporter of every center of international power, is the true revolutionary, the capitalist hero. The polls confirm it: a year into his presidency, Milei's approval sits at around 65%, up from the 55% he garnered in 2024. It remains to be seen whether the crypto scandal will break his trajectory or whether the financial storm he’s thrown himself into will leave lasting scars. But for now, the numbers are clear: his rise continues. It's as if those bodies left behind, the ones for whom subsidies meant survival, could glimpse, even as they bled, a looming greatness. A bleeding that smells of promise—a bleeding that was once just the stagnant reminder of misery. Is it really like this? Please, someone, tell me it’s not.

I don't like Milei. I'm horrified by his ethical stances, by his sly denialism of the unhealed wounds of Argentina's dictatorship. I cannot understand this blind faith in the market that devours everything—even human dignity. Maybe I even hate him. And yet, he's achieved a miracle, at least for now. It's not an economic miracle—the economy is a tragedy and will remain so until dignity is restored to the seven million living in extreme poverty—that cursed 18%. No, Milei's miracle lies elsewhere. It lies in reigniting hope, in lighting a spark in more than half the population. Because humanity can endure anything. It can live alongside misery and pain. But not in the absence of a dream. Not with the absence of tomorrow that promises something different, something better.

All the political movements of resurgence that define our time, with their varied ideological hues, reveal something deeper than surface-level material concerns. In Argentina, a particularly complex case, it becomes clear how psychological and cultural effects often intertwine—and even outweigh—economic ones. The narratives we're capable of creating when stripped of an evolutionary and dynamic perspective, become unbearable. Today, it’s increasingly clear that many left-wing political forces have lost their ability to articulate a bold, dynamic, and nuanced vision for the future.

Mariana is fifty. She lives in Buenos Aires Province, in La Mascota, one of Argentina's endless working-class suburbs. Muddy streets, low-slung roofs, a single room that serves as everything: kitchen, bathroom, bedroom. She shares it with three other people. Mariana looks at me with tired, resigned eyes, but within them glimmers something that feels like strength. When I ask her about Milei, she gives a bitter smile and says, 'Before, with that bastard Fernández—the Ks' puppet—they'd come asking for our votes, you know? They'd promise us TVs and refrigerators. Now, no one comes anymore. For now, with what we earn, I can fill the fridge. Before, I couldn't. Back then, I depended on them. We're suffering, but at least no one steals anymore. No one, you understand? No one lies to us anymore. Maybe we'll make it on our own.' Her eyes shine with an aggressive spark, something I've seen before. A doubt creeps into my mind: what if they're all just high on some large-scale drug operation? Then she looks at me and with anger and pride, says:

VIVA LA LIBERTAD CARAJO!